Tuesday, 6 May 2008

All Wales Online


Hat tip to Bethan

The All Wales Convention has has launched its new website

The Deputy First Minister said:

“Getting the right people onto the Executive Committee is extremely important. We want it to be balanced and reflect Wales in the 21st Century.
“We are looking for applications from people in all walks of life – anyone who has an interest in guiding the direction of the Convention and playing a part in moving Wales forward.”

Sir Emyr said:
“I’m looking forward to welcoming and working with committee members from all parts of Wales. I am confident that we will find members with a wide range of talents and experience, who will be able to work together to set the direction of the Convention’s work.
“They will have the opportunity to be part of an exciting process, from stimulating the debate across Wales, to analysing what we hear from the Welsh public, and using their judgment to ensure that the report we deliver at the end of the day covers all aspects of our remit.


“The Convention website, launched today, will undoubtedly be a key tool for communicating with people throughout Wales. But this is only one of the tools we will use to communicate. I want the Convention to use a wide variety of different methods to communicate and engage directly with people across the country.”

The First Minister said:
“We realise we cannot invite every stakeholder with an interest in the Assembly and Assembly Government to nominate someone to sit on the Executive Committee.

“But the Convention as a whole will encourage participation from all stakeholders and indeed the entire Welsh public,” he said. “We would urge all stakeholders who have not been invited to nominate to encourage their members to play a full role by contributing their views to the Convention.”

Members of the public who want to serve on the Convention should request an application pack by either visiting www.allwalesconvention.org, emailing publicappointments@wales.gsi.gov.uk or telephoning 029 2082 6330. Completed applications must be submitted by Tuesday, May 27.
For further details please contact Nia Jones at the All Wales Convention on 029 2080 1380 or Alan Morris at the Welsh Assembly Government on 029 2082 1870.

Rainbow rumours

Translation of a post by Vaughan Roderick:

The game of political chess has begun. With only a handful of councils in Wales securely in the hands of one party or group the phonelines are busy as councillors contend for the control of our councils. There are endless rumours. Here are some of them but don't take anything for granted until the first council meetings are held during the next few weeks.

There are a few councils in Wales where one party came very close to gaining a majority. In these cases the process of forming a coalition or a minority administration is fairly simple. In Cardiff, for example, it's hard to imagine that the Liberal Democrats won't ensure some kind of agreement with Plaid Cymru. Promising to realise plans to develop Welsh medium education could be a key factor here.

The task Plaid Cymru has in Ceredigion and Gwynedd is to ensure the support of at least a hanful of independent councillors in order to ensure council leadership. Plaid are hopeful in the two counties. In Carmarthen Labour, it seems, will decide the council's fate. It's likely that the independents will try to entice Labour into a coalition once more whilst Plaid Cymru tries to sell the idea of a cross-party board running the council.

But in most Welsh councils it appears that 2009 will be the year of the "rainbow" with Labour being frozen out of a series of councils. In Torfaen tonight, for example, independents, People's Voice, Conservatives, Plaid Cymru and the Liberal Democrats are meeting to form an anti-Labour coalition. The pattern is the same in places like Merthyr and Flintshire.

At the end of the day independents are expected to form a part of the ruling group on up to 15 councils. Plaid Cymru will, it is believed, form part of the government on about ten councils and the Conservatives on eight or nine. The Liberal democrats will be on the boards of at least half a dozen councils. And Labour? Four or five councils at the most. How the mighty have fallen.

Llais choose leader as leader

The new "political party" which won 12 seats in Gwynedd last week met as a group for the first time last night and chose its leader Councillor Owain Williams as, well, their leader.

Owain Williams, a former member of Plaid Cymru, the Labour Party, Cymru Annibynnol and who knows what else besides, will in all probability be the leader of the opposition on Gwynedd Council once Plaid have worked out a deal with, well, anyone else really.

Llais met to discuss coalition terms, apparently unaware that Hell has yet to freeze over.

Llais Gwynedd councillor and spokesman Alwyn Gruffydd said that ensuring the previous administration’s education policy was ditched was “essential.” He also shared his group's fantasies of attaining the education portfolio.

Mr Gruffydd said Llais had ruled out any coalition with Plaid Cymru, though I doubt that decision will cause any Plaid members to cry into their beer tonight.

He said: “It’s very tight. Plaid need 4 more to gain power. We need about 29."

“As a result I don’t see the controversial schools reorganisation plan going ahead now,” he added, after doing some sums on his fingers.

Owain Williams refused to comment on which party he would like to join next.

Welsh schools in a mmess

The Assembly’s Enterprise and Learning Committee has said education funding is so complicated that schools are missing out on vital cash for basic facilities like clean toilets and classrooms as a result.

According to the Western Mail it is calling on Wales's Education Minister, Jane Hutt, to lift what it calls the “funding fog”, and also wants the Assembly Government to carry out an immediate survey of all school toilets.

As part of a list of 22 recommendations, they urged all councils to ensure schools cleaned up their act.

The committee, which questioned Jane Hutt during its inquiry, is also recommending the Assembly Government attempts to lift the “funding fog” by reviewing how schools get their cash and record how it is spent.

Committee chairman Gareth Jones AM said: “It is worrying that two years on from the first school funding report, the funding process is still not transparent.

“We are particularly concerned that shortcomings in school buildings are having an adverse effect on pupils.”

He said the committee found variations in how school funding is recorded, with authorities confused about what constitutes revenue and capital expenditure, making it hard to compare funding levels per pupils across different areas.

“There is never enough money because, obviously, education is always in need, but it is the case that the way each authority records education expenditure varies,” said Mr Jones.

“There is always the possibility that cash is not going where it is needed and, if there’s a tendency not to spend so much on capital, then the toilets and things of that nature will be inadequately funded and that can create problems.”

Mr Jones, a retired headteacher, added: “The committee is urging the Education Minister Jane Hutt to look closely at all our recommendations and respond promptly, so that serious concerns about the funding of our children’s schools can be addressed.”

As well as recommending an immediate survey of all schools to establish the state of pupils’ toilets, the committee has also recommended the Assembly Government considers further revising guidance and regulations in respect of returns and revenue account forms and that it reviews the role of bursars and finance officers and considers producing best practice guidance to share among all those involved in school funding.

This supports the warning given by Professor David Reynolds last October that the 22 counties in Wales are employing inconsistent policies when it comes to education. Okay, he was talking about school closures, but the remarks he made equally apply to education in general here in Wales:
"The Welsh Assembly Government needs to behave like a national government. They need to consider the evidence instead of turning their backs on it.

"There needs to be a base level of standards set that explain to councils what is to be done.

"That should be completely independent of a child's location, whether that be in the north, south, east or west.

"So far the Assembly Government has been happy to leave the councils in peace. I don't believe that this should be done."

Beeb fails Wales


A report soon to be published will confirm something we all already knew: the BBC network news programmes fail to cover events beyond England.

Two specialists in politics and the media were given the task of scrutinising coverage of the Celtic nations on programmes such as the Ten O'Clock News and other bulletins. The academics found that the lack of Welsh, Scottish and Irish stories in the output left viewers in the dark as to events in the devolved nations, particularly in areas concerning devolved powers such as education and health.

The completed study -Accuracy and Impartiality in Coverage of the Four Nations- will go before the BBC Trust this summer, but its likely conclusions are already worrying the BBC hierarchy.

Last year Adam Price MP said Wales was "blanked off the screens" because the nation "does not figure" on BBC TV's network news, and Scottish First Minister Alex Salmond called for responsibility for broadcasting in Scotland transferred to Edinburgh.

Mr Price pointed out that viewers in Wales were not getting the comprehensive television news service English viewers enjoyed.

I think Salmond has the right idea. But then, he usually does.

Wendy's words

"Independence, particularly with the same queen as Head of State cannot be defined as separation, it's a new equal relationship between the partner nations of these islands."
-Alex Salmond MSP


Wendy Alexander's u-turn bombshell was dropped on Sunday on the Politics Show Scotland:

Glenn Campbell: There's some suggestion today in the Sunday Mail that Gordon Brown and perhaps Wendy Alexander too are ready to call Mr Salmond's bluff, ie you're ready to support a referendum to test his idea of independence. True?
Wendy Alexander MSP: I think if I was I wouldn't be announcing it on this programme, but I think the more serious point you make is...
Glenn Campbell: But you haven't ruled out a referendum...we've talked about this before...
Wendy Alexander MSP: Indeed.
Glenn Campbell: ...and you haven't said that it definately wouldn't be something that Labour would sign up to.
Wendy Alexander MSP: No, I haven't ruled it out, and the reason for that is this: you know there are many Scots who are rightly worried about the uncertainty that's created by the SNP; who dislike the fact that last month Alex Salmond revealed that he thinks he can take Scotland out of the United Kingdom without having even a simple majority. I think we heard him on the programme a few minutes ago saying he's not going to get round to even the Bill until 2010, well I simply say it takes a year to get any Bill through the Scottish Parliament, so why isn't he starting in the autumn of 2009 so at least we could have the Bill that he wants debated in the Parliament? So I think it is the place for opposition parties to put the SNP under scrutiny. This is your policy, have the courage of your convictions to bring it forward and let the Parliament make up its mind.
Glenn Campbell: Okay, but if you're saying you haven't ruled out a referendum, including the question of independence, it sounds like you're at least considering it.
Wendy Alexander MSP: As I say, of course there's been tactical discussions on these issues...
Glenn Campbell: But it's about a bit more than tactics, this is about the future of the country isn't it?
Wendy Alexander MSP: Absolutely, which is why I think it's so worrying that the SNP appear to be toying with the electorate saying 'we want this, it's the reason we came into politics, but by the way we're frightened to bring the matter forward'. I don't fear the verdict of the Scottish people. Bring it on.
Glenn Campbell: Do you agree with Ken Calman that his proposals for revising devolution may or may not need to be tested in a referendum, that it depends how radical it is?
Wendy Alexander MSP: Yes.
Glenn Campbell: And what would be your point, what would you regard the point at which a referendum was required? How radical would the proposal need to be?
Wendy Alexander MSP: Well I think we have to wait and see what he comes up with. The point that I make is this, you know, when Labour came to power ten years ago we took our propsals to the Scottish people within three months of being elected, Donald Dewer published a white paper, he went to the Scottish people and said 'here's a choice' and the people of Scotland supported them. What I'm saying is we have a government, and we see Tom Farmerty suggesting maybe the SNP should never get around to it, and we have to wonder whether that's a bit of kyte flying going on on behalf of the First Minister who appears not even to want to bring it to the Parliament until we're into the fag end of this Parliament and certainly until not after the next general election in Scotland, and that seems to me of somebody who knows they then will be a loser and I'm very keen to see that the SNP are demonstrated not to be on the side of Scotland but actually on the losing side when it comes to Scotland's constitutional future.
Glenn Campbell: You're confident that would be the case and if so why not bring it on?
Wendy Alexander MSP: Well as I say there aren't any proposals before the Scottish Parliament, it's the joy of being in opposition that we can put the government under pressure to say 'if you're so confident then why are you so afraid to put the choice to the people of Scotland?'.
Glenn Campbell: But you're not afraid of that so therefore you'll back a referendum?
Wendy Alexander MSP: Well as I say we'll have to see what they bring forward. As I said I think it's totally wrong that the United Kingdom should come to an end without having even a simple majority as the First Minister suggested himself, and I certainly think it would be wrong to try and railroad something through the Scottish Parliament rather than having the Bill considered over the proper length of time which in my book usually takes about a year.


As the Telegraph reports, Wendy had more to say on the matter yesterday:
Wendy Alexander went on air last night to insist that she's saying exactly the same, as those such as Lord (Michael) Forsyth who have argued the same case previously, that she wants an immediate referendum on the future of the United Kingdom.

She now apparently believes that the Union cause would score a resounding victory in such a circumstance over those who favour a completely separate state outside the UK.

The Scottish Labour leader has also declared that she favours a straight two-choice option in any vote - either Yes or No for the break-up of the UK. There would be no "third way" of extra powers for the Holyrood parliament, even though this is what a commission, chaired by Sir Kenneth Calman, is expected to recommend.

As Alan Cochrane explains in his article, the "crucial difference is, and as many senior Labour figures tried to counsel her, that Forsyth and other supporters of a quick referendum were advocating holding it last summer - before the SNP had built up such a head of steam and increased its lead in the opinion polls."

Personally I think Alexander has given us a remarkable demonstration of her ineptitude as Scottish Labour leader and indeed as a politician. Not only has she (to quote Mr Cochrane) "led her erstwhile allies in Annabel Goldie and Nicol Stephen up the garden path" by changing her mind on a referendum, she has also -quite possibly- walked into one of Salmond's traps. As she told Glenn Campbell on Sunday, it takes a year to pass such a Bill -more than enough time, perhaps, for a certain canny First Minister to sell his idea of independence (see the quote at the top of the page) and cash in on people's lack of confidence in the Labour Party.

Wendy thinks she's calling Alex's bluff. I think Alex may well call hers.

The Shadow Of Saunders Lewis (Part 1)


The following is a translation and adaptation of excerpts from Professor Richard Wyn Jones's Rhoi Cymru'n Gyntaf


For those who wish to get to grips with the history of Welsh nationalism, it is necessary to try and weigh up the contribution of Saunders Lewis to the movement. It was he, through his correspondence with H.R. Jones, that prepared the way for that famous meeting held in Pwllheli on August the 5th, 1925, when Jones's Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru united with the Mudiad Cymreig, a secret society of which Lewis was a member, to form the modern National Party. He, beyond a doubt, succeeded in imposing his will when it came to deciding which ideological and practical direction the Party should take. A year later he succeeded Lewis Valentine to become the Party's second president and its chief spokesman. During his time as leader he kept a tight hold of the reins, ensuring that the values and ideas expressed in the movement's publications were a lot closer to his own heart than they were, in all likelihood, to the worldview of the majority of the Party's members and supporters.

Very few modern day Pleidwyr have ever heard of Evan Alwyn Owen. There's little mention of him in the Party's archives after the winter of 1924/1925, and apart from one commemorative article written by Gwilym R. Jones in the December 1933 edition of y Ddraig Goch, references to him in the Party's publications are very rare. He wasn't intentionally forgotten. Owen, a former quarreyman from Rhyd-ddu, lived under the blight of TB and unemployment. He did not receive any physical nor financial resources to match his political vision. Nevertheless, if one person can be considered as the founder of the Welsh National Party, that honour belongs to Evan Alwyn Owen. There is a big difference between that original vision and the vision Saunders Lewis succeeded in foistering onto the new party's official programme during 1925 and 1926.

The Welsh National Party was founded on the 21st of December 1924 when a group established three months previously bearing the colourful name Byddin Ymreolwyr Cymru ('Army of Welsh Home-Rulers') decided to change its name and direction. The 'army', which was based in Caernarvonshire, was a collection of ill-matched enough individuals: some lovers of the language more than anything, others supporters of 'self-government' in that ambiguous manner typical of the period, and others who were eager to emulate the attitudes and even the methods of Sinn Fein in Wales. One who belonged to the latter faction was the movement's secretary and principle advocate, namely H.R. Jones.

Despite Jones's zeal, the 'army' wasn't in any better shape than were a host of other similar movements, such as Byddin yr Iaith and Cymru Well. These were short-lived movements: movements that were formed and reformed constantly, reflecting the frustration that Welsh nationalists of the period felt, but which failed to take root successfully. Byddin Ymreolwyr Cymru's ideation was vague, beyond extending its general support for the language and self-government. Their methods were no different either. Indeed, had the army's leader, Walter S. Jones (aka Gwallter Llyfnwy), had his way, the movement could have easily run out of steam quickly. W.S. Jones's emphasis was on the cultural. He hoped to see a campaign developing to 'impose the Welsh language' on schools side by side with English, and to ensure that every teacher in Wales's elementary schools was able to give lectures in Welsh. In order to lay the foundations for such a campaign, he was extremely eager to merge with the society of 'The Three Gs' - y Gymdeithas Genedlaethol Gymreig (the Welsh National Society)- a society primarily of students based in Bangor's University College. With the 'Three Gs' including amongst its members such figures of stature as Lewis Valentine and Thomas Parry, such a merger appeared in W.S. Jones's view to be completely sensible. But not everybody in the army agreed with him.

Jones's plans were ferociously opposed by the treasurer, namely Evan Alwyn Owen. He believed passionately that not only should the movement remain independent, but that it should become a proper political party under the name of Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru. Owen expressed his ideas in a number of letters sent to H.R. Jones, a man who was, certainly, of the same opinion.

Owen was a man with some fire in his belly. 'We have much to learn from the Irish,' he wrote in one letter, 'and if we had a few Sinn Feinners in Wales we would be better for it.' He wrote again to H.R. Jones revealing not only his desire to turn the army into a National Party, but also the goal he wished that party to attain:

I am more strongly than ever in favour of a Welsh National Party as I believe without hesitation that through it, and through it alone, Wales can ensure the fullest measure of Home-Rule: I also see in it -after imbuing the population with the National spirit- an excellent means of fighting for full Independence.

Note that it was the constitutional and not the cultural that Owen envisioned as the Party's chief goal. Owen's great fear was that merging with the students in Bangor would convert the army into a language movement rather than a movement for self-government.

But, on top of that, Owen was worried about the kind of movement that would arise from such a union with the 'Three Gs'. In another letter sent to H.R. Jones only a few days before the meeting on the 21st of December 1924, when the army decided to follow the recommendation of its treasurer rather than that of its leader, and revamped itself as the Welsh National Party, we find the following revealing comments:
After changing the name I thought we would move forward to hold meetings in every area (of Wales)- to get the young men of the valleys to join, and establish branches in every area, and then a representative from among them on the committee of every county - and so on. Without a doubt, that would be the most proletarian way to move forward. And if we want the support of the common people then we need to work our way upwards on wholly proletarian lines...

After joining with such a society (ie the 'Three Gs') in this manner the common folk would have no voice at all, everything would be in the hands of a select few who would be too respectable to do anything daring. New blood is needed, and the young of the common folk allowed to fight and work their way upwards.

Although he got his way on the matter of the 'Three Gs', the great irony is that the effort to realise Evan Alwyn Owen's dream and establish a real national party confirmed some of his worst fears regarding the proposed merger, because it gave birth to a movement which, for a substantial period, put more emphasis on language than on self-government, and that was thanks more than anything to the influence of Saunders Lewis. And although no movement which had Saunders Lewis as its leader could be considered to be 'respectable' according to the (distorted) standards of the day, neither was it a party where the common folk could feel comfortable in its ranks.

With Lewis Valentine as its first president, the National Party started on its work. One of the tasks given to H.R. Jones, who continued as its secretary, was to contact other prominent nationalists in order to ensure membership, and create a truly national network. These connections later led to that meeting in Pwllheli which is considered to be the birthplace of the modern party.

Although we can't be certain of it, we can be reasonably confident that Saunders Lewis's name would appear close to the top of any list of prospective members drawn up by Jones and his colleagues. Lewis's political views had already become known through a series of speeches, essays and letters to the press, especially after the summer of 1923. Through them Lewis established himself as one of the main spokesmen for a new wave of Welsh nationalism, a militant nationalism hardened by a younger generation's experience of the Great War and its aftermath. Lewis's declarations were especially daring and audacious.

When H.R. Jones contacted Saunders Lewis in February 1925 to invite him to contribute to the new venture, it isn't completely clear if he did so on an individual basis or if he contacted him knowing that he was a member of the Mudiad Cymreig. Although the Mudiad Cymreig ('Welsh Movement') was a secret movement, considering the web of contacts which glued the new generation of Welsh nationalists together, it would be no surprise if the officers of the National Party had come to hear of the existence of some kind of organisation among nationalists in the south. Whatever the case, the Mudiad had been meeting occasionally since January 1924. The first meeting was held in the home of G.J. and Elizabeth Williams in Penarth. With them, Saunders Lewis and Ambrose Bebb were fellow founders. A short time afterwards others joined, such as D.J. Williams, Fred Jones and Ben Bowen Thomas. The Mudiad Cymreig was intended to be a vanguard movement, with its members providing an elite who would give new direction to Welsh nationalism and Wales. Giving Wales new direction aside, Saunders Lewis certainly soon gave new direction to the new National Party, because, in reply to Jones's invitation, Lewis set an all important condition which Jones would have to accept before he would be willing to join. He insisted, simply, that the new party adopted his own policy agenda. With the acceptance of that condition began a period of fifteen years during which Saunders Lewis succeeded in controling the Party's policies.

To be continued...